The art of Kevin Blythe Sampson

THE ART OF
KEVIN BLYTHE SAMPSON

10/31/10

Elitism - The Charge That Obama Can’t Shake - NYTimes.com

Election 2010

Elitism: The Charge That Obama Can’t Shake

Drew Angerer/The New York Times

PICK ONE Barack Obama is either a snob or misunderstood.

WASHINGTON — In the Boston-area home of a wealthy hospital executive one Saturday evening this month, President Obama departed from his usual campaign stump speech and offered an explanation as to why Democrats were seemingly doing so poorly this election season. Voters, he said, just aren’t thinking straight.

Doug Mills/The New York Times

HEAR ME? As the elitism war has raged this fall, the president has fought back.

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“Part of the reason that our politics seems so tough right now, and facts and science and argument does not seem to be winning the day all the time, is because we’re hard-wired not to always think clearly when we’re scared,” he told a roomful of doctors who chipped in at least $15,200 each to Democratic coffers. “And the country is scared, and they have good reason to be.”

The notion that voters would reject Democrats only because they don’t understand the facts prompted a round of recriminations — “Obama the snob,” read the headline on a Washington Post column by Michael Gerson, the former speechwriter for President George W. Bush — and fueled the underlying argument of the campaign that ends Tuesday. For all the discussion of health care and spending and jobs, at the core of the nation’s debate this fall has been the battle of elitism.

Mr. Obama’s remark that autumn evening played into a perception promoted by his critics that he is a Harvard-educated millionaire elitist who is sure that he knows best and thinks that those who disagree just aren’t in their right minds. Never mind that Mr. Obama was raised in less exalted circumstances by a single mother who he said once needed food stamps. Or that although he went to private school, he took years to pay off his college loans. Something about Mr. Obama’s cerebral confidence has made him into a symbol of something he never used to be.

As the elitism war has raged this fall, the president has fought back. His closing argument, too, centered on the theme. In the last weeks of the campaign, he hammered away at the gusher of secret money poured in by special interests to influence the outcome of the elections, arguing in effect that the elites of Wall Street and corporate America were trying to hoodwink everyday voters into casting ballots against their own interests to benefit the powerful. The other side’s central economic plan, he tells virtually every audience, is to extend tax cuts for the rich.

“The elitism argument is kind of a false one because the president talks about people’s economic interests and middle-class families,” said Anita Dunn, a Democratic strategist who advises Mr. Obama. “And those who are supporting Republican candidates right now — because they think they’ll look out for their interests — are going to be very surprised when they find out what the corporate sponsorship of that party is buying.”

But Ron Bonjean, a Republican strategist, said Mr. Obama had not connected with popular discontent. “A lot of people have never been to Washington or New York, and they feel people there are so out of touch,” he said. “When you’re unemployed and you’re sitting in your living room and you hear the president say, ‘You don’t understand what the problems really are — you’re just scared,’ that makes people really, really angry.”

None of this is new, of course. The parties have been jockeying to get on the right side of the elitism argument for generations. Think back to Richard Nixon’s affiliation with the “silent majority” or Al Gore’s charge for “the people, not the powerful.”

Mr. Bush regularly described himself to audiences as a C student (without mentioning that he attended Yale and Harvard). Just two years ago, Mr. Obama tried to explain away his comment about “bitter” working-class Americans who “cling to guns or religion,” while his Republican opponent, Senator John McCain, could not remember how many homes he owned.

But the debate has taken on particular resonance in a time of economic distress, underscoring the socioeconomic divide in America amid sky-high unemployment and deficit spending. Michelle Obama’s summer vacation at a five-star Spanish resort might not have generated quite the same heat in a different environment. And if Mr. Obama managed to deflect it in 2008, he seems to be having more trouble this time as the leader of the party in power.

“It didn’t hurt him much two years ago — or not as much as we wished it would have,” said Mark Salter, a longtime McCain adviser who worked on the campaign. But “he’d probably be wise to keep the sociology lectures to himself.”

“Not too many voters like to be told there’s something wrong with them,” Mr. Salter said.

The appeal to antielitism has played out throughout the country this fall. In Delaware, Christine O’Donnell, the Republican Senate candidate, started one television advertisement this way: “I didn’t go to Yale. I didn’t inherit millions like my opponent.”

The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee issued a sarcastic statement last week “extending congratulations” to “multimillionaire John Raese,” the Republican Senate candidate in West Virginia, after authorities granted permission to build a glass conservatory on his Palm Beach, Fla., property.

As Jacob Weisberg documented in Slate, “elitist” has become one of the favorite attack lines of the surging Republican campaign effort this year, from Kentucky, where the Senate candidate Rand Paul called Mr. Obama “a liberal elitist,” to California, where the Senate candidate Carly Fiorina warned that the American Dream is endangered by “elitists” in government.

By elitist, politicians do not mean simply those with money, since Ms. Fiorina is a wealthy former corporate chief executive herself, but those who control the state and the culture, including news media outfits like The New York Times. (Katie Couric of CBS News, the bête noire of Sarah Palin supporters, probably did not help last week when she talked to the Daily Beast about visiting “the great unwashed middle of the country” in the Midwest; she later said she meant overlooked people who are politically in the middle.)

Elitist or not, the thesis of Mr. Obama’s remarks in Boston does reflect a certain frustration on the part of the president and his team that, in their view, the public might not be listening. Rather than entertaining the possibility that the program they have pursued is genuinely and even legitimately unpopular, the White House and its allies have concluded that their political troubles amount to mainly a message and image problem.

Former President Bill Clinton has a riff in his standard speech as he campaigns for Democrats in which he mocks voters for knowing more about their local college football team statistics than they do about the issues that will determine the future of the country. “Don’t bother us with facts; we’ve got our minds made up,” he said in Michigan last week, mimicking such voters.

But if they understood the facts, he continued, they would naturally vote Democratic. “If it’s a choice and we’re thinking, he wins big and America wins big,” Mr. Clinton told a crowd in Battle Creek, pointing to Representative Mark Schauer, an endangered first-term Democrat.

Senator John Kerry of Massachusetts, who was lambasted in television ads as “another rich liberal elitist” during the 2004 presidential campaign, used similar language in his introduction of Mr. Obama at the Boston fund-raiser two weeks ago. “Facts, science, truth seem to be significantly absent from what we call our political dialogue,” he said.

Advisers like Ms. Dunn said that’s not elitism, but a reasonable reaction to what they call a Republican fear-based campaign. “The president I don’t think has an elitist bone in his body,” she said. “The fact that Republicans claim that we’re the party of elitism doesn’t mean that it’s true or that everyone believes it.”

In two more days, voters will finally register what they’re thinking. Clearly or not.

Elitism - The Charge That Obama Can’t Shake - NYTimes.com

10/30/10

In Northern Vietnam, a Region of Beauty and Ethnic Traditions - NYTimes.com

In Northern Vietnam, a Region of Beauty and Ethnic Traditions

Justin Mott for The New York Times

A market in the village of Sa Phin is packed with vendors from all over selling livestock, local corn whiskey and Chinese beer, vibrant clothing and household goods. More Photos »

MY first glimpse of the place that some call Vietnam’s Shangri-La came on a brisk spring afternoon as we were careening along a narrow road hemmed in by sheer limestone walls. Our driver made a hairpin turn and all at once the landscape erupted into a sweep of dazzling slopes, serrated ridges and hanging valleys. In the pocket of a mountain pass called Heaven’s Gate, Hoang Tuan Anh, who also served as our guide, stopped his pickup truck so we could gaze at the vista of radiant sky that had opened up before us. This was only the beginning, Mr. Anh said, as we resumed our upward drive. “We will go as high as the clouds!”

My husband, my daughter and I had been in Vietnam nearly a month before we visited Ha Giang province in the northern reaches of the country. It was a place I had never heard of, but Vietnamese acquaintances talked about the region as if it were the Land of Oz, their eyes widening as they incanted its name (pronounced Ha ZAHNG). Worldly young Hanoians said that one could not truly consider oneself Vietnamese until having been there. Expatriate friends implored us not to squander any opportunity to experience this holy grail, far from the country’s deeply trodden tourist track.

Such reverence, we soon learned, was warranted, and it wasn’t just because of the region’s spectacular landscape. In an ever-shrinking world, Ha Giang, with its uniquely preserved tribal culture (nearly 90 percent of the population is ethnic minorities), is one of those rare places that hasn’t been corralled by modernity or prepackaged for visitors. At least, not yet. During the past two decades, as Vietnam’s lowlands and urban centers have teetered on tracks of globalization and economic development, much of this distant 5,000-square-mile province has remained detached and frozen in the past.

That isolation has been reinforced by strained politics, but in recent years, border tensions stemming from a 1979 Chinese invasion have thawed, the government has poured money into improving the province’s roads and other infrastructure, and new, albeit modest, hotels have arrived. Middle-class Vietnamese already appear in throngs, and foreign visitors have begun trickling in as well — last year some 3,500 foreign tourists visited the region. That figure seems poised to grow since the Dong Van plateau, at the province’s northernmost edge, was named the country’s first Unesco-designated Global Geopark earlier this month, a status that the organization bestows on places of significant geological and cultural heritage. The 900-square-mile plateau is studded with ethereal karst formations, evidence of tectonic events that started molding the area over 400 million years ago.

It was that plateau that beckoned to us, as it does to most travelers who venture to the region.

The overnight train from Hanoi deposited us at dawn in Lao Cai, a blustery northern city about 70 miles west of Ha Giang. There we boarded a crammed local bus that chugged for eight hours through misty hills. We spent part of the afternoon lodged in a mudslide, only to be rescued by a hydraulic backhoe doubling as a tow truck. Our 11-month-old daughter craned her head and stared quizzically through it all, as if we were toting her through some particularly mountainous corner of the Upper West Side.

In Ha Giang’s sleepy provincial capital, the city of Ha Giang, we were met by Mr. Anh, our guide of Tay ethnicity with whom we had arranged a three-day tour — first to Dong Van, a town that was less than two miles from the Chinese border, and then along a mountain road to the town of Meo Vac. Mr. Anh escorted us to the concrete headquarters of the immigration police to procure $10 permits from an unsmiling official. Although the requirement was abolished in most of the country in 1993, foreigners are still expected to obtain permits to tour Ha Giang, a Communist rite of the rubber-stamping variety so seldom experienced by travelers in modern Vietnam as to seem almost quaint.

Later, as we barreled past the limits of Ha Giang city into the area’s remarkable landscape, Mr. Anh, a garrulous man in his late 30s who had studied in England and lived in Hanoi before returning to his native Ha Giang, recounted how his parents would spend days during their youth walking the winding route to Dong Van before there were paved roads. Our trip, he said, would take a mere six hours.

THE story of Ha Giang is in many ways the story of the proud and independent Hmong who, following the Tay and other ethnic groups, began migrating there in the late 18th century, fleeing unrest in southern China. In Ha Giang, they found the high altitudes they were accustomed to, and alkaline soil in which their opium poppy crops would flourish.

Buffeted by the political winds that blew through Vietnam in the past century, the Hmong and other minorities occasionally rebelled but mostly cooperated with the French colonists and, subsequently, with the ruling Viet Minh, who promised them a degree of autonomy in exchange for their support. (They ultimately reneged on that promise.) The overriding desire to remain free and secure was challenged during the 1979 Chinese invasion; border flare-ups persisted for years, but by 1991, relations were normalized between the two countries, and negotiations led to a final decision last year about where the 800-mile border would be. Although one of the poorest provinces in Vietnam, with little industry besides mining and agriculture, Ha Giang was once again safe for the Hmong and others, and visitors began to show up.

Mr. Anh expounded on this history as we huddled around a table in the blue-walled dining room of the Rocky Plateau Hotel, a former government guesthouse on Dong Van’s main thoroughfare that he had recently acquired and renovated as a 16-room hotel with creature comforts (hot water, satellite television) and a degree of modern flair (airy white lobby, faux Pop Art paintings). Our room, oddly appointed with three queen-size beds, was comfortable, fitted with wooden furniture and a window looking out at a breathtaking wall of dappled rock. This would be our base for the next three days, under the affable care of Mr. Anh and his staff of polite local teenagers.

This coziness was in stark contrast to our initial impression of the town. It had been eerily quiet when we’d rolled into Dong Van, where cars and telephones are almost nonexistent and electricity is scant. The windows of weathered Chinese-style houses framed scenes lighted by flickering oil lamps: leathery-faced men knocking back glasses of home-brewed corn whiskey; mothers with babies balanced on their hips ladling rice. Some boys carried a dead body down the street; wrapped in a red cloth, only its bony feet were visible. It felt as if we’d alighted upon an Asian version of the American Wild West.

Dinner at Mr. Anh’s hotel that night — stewed tomatoes, boiled chicken, strips of garlicky sautéed morning-glory, a heaping plate of white rice and fresh chili sauce flecked with onions and cilantro — was the savory stuff of fantasy after a long day of travel. As we left the dining room, the only other guests at the hotel, a middle-aged British couple, walked in. We excitedly said hello but they responded curtly, making clear that they did not want to chat, and we wondered if we had punctured their Livingstonian fantasy of being the sole foreigners in town.

Dong Van snapped to life at dawn, seeming much as it probably did on a late-spring morning in the 18th century. Hmong women wearing vivid pink and green headdresses filed down from their hilltop abodes carrying heavy bamboo baskets of corn and vegetables to the town market, where miners in black Mandarin-collared shirts slurped noodle soup from tin bowls. Traders hustled tobacco, tea and homemade ginseng tonic. Farmers steered water buffalo around the market’s edge.

We lingered inside a century-old trader’s house that has been transformed into Café Pho Co, enjoying thick mango shakes and strong coffee, before plunging back into the market in search of breakfast. From one woman, we bought wads of sticky black bean paste wrapped in tobacco leaves and tied like pretty packages; from another there were warm slices of bean curd. A Hmong specialty of steamed, golden corn bread was sublime. Seated on wooden benches, we wolfed down a half-dozen thick pieces while the market sellers angled for turns holding our daughter.

We needed the sustenance. Sua, a young White Hmong woman who worked at the hotel, planned to lead us on a hike in the countryside. Dressed in a traditional hand-woven hemp skirt and indigo blue head scarf, Sua, who spoke no English, informed us of her plan by smilingly typing out a Vietnamese phrase on her cellphone that Mr. Anh translated for us: “I will take you on the small, beautiful trail.”

Its beauty was certain, but its smallness was surely a matter of perspective. For five hours, we followed Sua into the hills, huffing and sweating on a web of narrow, remarkably steep trails that serve as an everyday thoroughfare for locals tramping between their hamlets, their fields and Dong Van. In a speck of a village about an hour into the hike, a uniformed Vietnamese official halted us and ordered us into the local committee building. Seating us in front of him like reprimanded schoolchildren, he inscribed our passport numbers in a dusty, ancient ledger while local villagers popped their heads in to smile and stare. We offered them litchis while waiting out our detainment, and everyone graciously accepted the fruit, except for our government interlocutor.

That anachronistic bit of provincial red tape was worth it. After scaling a difficult incline just beyond the village, we were soon standing before an unearthly panorama of karst formations in the shape of giant upturned egg cartons. Unlike most mountain ranges in which erosion carves only the surface, the high composition of limestone causes much of the plateau to erode below as well as above the ground. The result is a surrealistic vista of giant cones, towers, pyramids, caves and sinkholes.

Subterranean erosion is also responsible for the area’s isolated valleys, which make traversing the landscape such an arduous up-and-down affair. And because rainwater sinks deep into the earth, a large part of the plateau is technically desert, rendering even more remarkable the hardy people who carve their lives on this barely arable land. On soaring shafts of stone, cultivated corn billows between rocks. Homesteads are perilously fastened to the slopes. Bursts of red and green flash near mountain peaks where brightly clothed women move about, tending to their crops.

Distant explosions of road-clearing dynamite mingled with the whistles of Hmong woodwinds played by young goatherds. As we passed a mud-walled house, we heard chanting and the clanging of a gong. Using gestures, we asked Sua if we could approach. With a comatose expression, she indicated that someone had recently died there, and we assumed that a shaman was purifying the house. We couldn’t help but wonder if it was the same dead person we’d seen the night before.

NEAR the tiny town of Sa Phin, 10 miles west of Dong Van, the landscape settles down slightly. According to Mr. Anh, who drove us to the area after we had rested from Sua’s tour, the comparatively gentle, turtle-shell shape of one hill there was deemed auspicious by a fortune teller who, some 100 years ago, was enlisted by a Hmong warlord to divine the most auspicious place to construct his palace.

“The fortune teller told the king, ‘If you build your house here, you will reign forever,’ ” Mr. Anh said.

The warlord was Vuong Chinh Duc, who, near the turn of the 20th century, helped provide the French a steady supply of opium, a key product in the colonial economy. Despite the fortune teller’s predictions, the Vuong clan’s power has been largely dissolved, but the palace has been preserved as a handsome museum.

We crept through the hushed palace, with its ornate teak furniture and luxurious tub that had been used for bathing in goat milk. In a corner of the royal lair, an intricately carved platform was identified as the Vuongs’ opium-smoking bed. Echoing throughout the palace was the inestimable importance of opium, which was produced legally in Vietnam until 1993. The residence had storage space for opium, and pillars had been chiseled with the shapes of globular poppy buds.

The next morning we set out early on the last leg of our exploration of Ha Giang: the 14-mile journey from Dong Van to the town of Meo Vac, a drive that some say is the most splendid in the country. Built beginning in 1959, the slender road linking the two towns clings to the side of a massive gorge and is not for the weak of stomach.

Mr. Anh steered his truck slowly as we gaped at the views. The Nho Que River, 2,600 feet down at the bottom of the gorge, was little more than an ochre thread. The road rose up and dipped, twisted and soared. At the Ma Pi Leng pass, a plaque commemorated workers who died building the road, noting that the cutting of the pass took 11 months. Hmong and Tay families zipped by us on motorbikes, unfazed by the dizzying drop-off beside them.

In Meo Vac, a town of roughly the same size and vintage as Dong Van, Mr. Anh told us about the local annual “love market” that is held near there each March, when ethnic minorities from all over the area flock here in search of romantic partners. Circling back, we passed through Lung Phin, where another market is held every six days in accordance with the lunar calendar and thousands of people representing every tribe in the region congregate in a burst of rural commerce. Mr. Anh regaled us with images of the frenetic exchange of horse saddles, dried mushrooms, gingered sausages, water buffalo, cardamom pods, plastic shoes, bright ribbons and embroidery thread, all traded along with gossip from the hilltops and accompanied by bowls of horse meat soup and shots of corn whiskey.

Next time you come here, you must make sure to see it,” Mr. Anh said.

We nodded, flush with fantasies of returning someday. For now, the town was still, with just a few old men smoking bamboo pipes and children running in the street. We gazed back at them, and the road unspooling behind us, and embarked on the long descent to the bottom of the rocky plateau.

IF YOU GO

GETTING THERE

Spring and fall are the best months for travel in Ha Giang; the weather is temperate and generally clear.

Visas are required for American visitors — a one-month, single-entry visa is $20 through My Vietnam Visa (myvietnamvisa.com), an online agency that arranges for documents to be picked up upon arrival at Vietnam’s international airports, where an additional $25 “stamping fee” must be paid.

The easiest way to get to Ha Giang is by private car or motorbike from Hanoi. For public transportation options, forgo the clunky sleeper train-bus combination that we used and instead take one of six daily buses from Hanoi’s My Dinh bus station straight to Ha Giang town. The buses leave between 4 and 6 a.m., and the seven-hour trip costs 120,000 Vietnamese dong (about $6.35 at 19,000 dong to the dollar). From there, public transportation is extremely limited, and it is advisable to rent a car or motorbike.

GETTING AROUND

There are several companies that offer tours of Ha Giang by motorbike or car that begin and end in Hanoi and include an English-speaking guide, accommodations, meals, permits and entrance fees. Most can be customized to include local market days if they coincide with a trip. Prices are per person based on a group of four, and exclude airfare. They cite their rates in U.S. dollars.

Exotissimo Travel (84-8-3827-2911; exotissimo.com) offers a five-day loop by car through Ha Giang, including visits to the towns of Dong Van, Meo Vac, Lung Cu and Yen Minh, for $560.

Free Wheelin’ Tours (84-4-3926-2743; freewheelin-tours.com), a small company that specializes in sustainable tourism coupled with local development projects, offers an eight-day custom motorbike tour of the northern highlands, including Ha Giang, for $960.

Offroad Vietnam (84-9-1304-7509; offroadvietnam.com) has eight-day custom motorbike trips around the northern highlands, including Ha Giang, from $880 to $1,120 depending on the quality of motorbike rented, or by car for $1,140.

Karst Plateau Travel (84-91-545-8668; karstplateau@gmail.com) is the company run by Hoang Tuan Anh, who arranges car tours leaving either from Hanoi or Ha Giang town and can be booked to lead them himself — a special treat since he’s a native of the area and knows it well. A five-day tour leaving from Hanoi starts at $500.

WHERE TO STAY

In Dong Van, the 16-room Rocky Plateau Hotel is basic and comfortable, with doubles for 300,000 dong. Reservations can be made through Mr. Anh (84-9-154-8668; karstplateau@gmail.com).

In Ha Giang town, Huy Hoan Hotel (14 Phuong Nguyen Trai; 84-21-9386-1288) is a modern, clean option with large rooms and private bathrooms. Doubles are 250,000 dong.

Twenty-five miles south of Ha Giang town, Pan Hou Village (84-21-9383-3565; www.panhouvillage.com) is a charming eco-resort with 30 rooms in traditional stilt houses; doubles start at $57, including breakfast. Beautifully designed with a restaurant, bar and small spa, it’s a good base to use for exploring the northernmost parts of Ha Giang.

In Northern Vietnam, a Region of Beauty and Ethnic Traditions - NYTimes.com

China’s Fast Rise Leads Neighbors to Join Forces - NYTimes.com


Pool photo by Barbara Walton

Prime Minister Wen Jiabao of China, left, with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of India on Friday in Hanoi, Vietnam. India is promoting itself in the region as a counterweight to China.

HANOI, Vietnam — China’s military expansion and assertive trade policies have set off jitters across Asia, prompting many of its neighbors to rekindle old alliances and cultivate new ones to better defend their interests against the rising superpower.

A whirl of deal-making and diplomacy, from Tokyo to New Delhi, is giving the United States an opportunity to reassert itself in a region where its eclipse by China has been viewed as inevitable.

President Obama’s trip to the region this week, his most extensive as president, will take him to the area’s big democracies, India, Indonesia, South Korea and Japan, skirting authoritarian China. Those countries and other neighbors have taken steps, though with varying degrees of candor, to blunt China’s assertiveness in the region.

Mr. Obama and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of India are expected to sign a landmark deal for American military transport aircraft and are discussing the possible sale of jet fighters, which would escalate the Pentagon’s defense partnership with India to new heights. Japan and India are courting Southeast Asian nations with trade agreements and talk of a “circle of democracy.” Vietnam has a rapidly warming rapport with its old foe, the United States, in large part because its old friend, China, makes broad territorial claims in the South China Sea.

The deals and alliances are not intended to contain China. But they suggest a palpable shift in the diplomatic landscape, on vivid display as leaders from 18 countries gathered this weekend under the wavelike roof of Hanoi’s futuristic convention center, not far from Ho Chi Minh’s mausoleum, for a meeting suffused by tensions between China and its neighbors.

China’s escalating feud with Japan over another set of islands, in the East China Sea, stole the meeting’s headlines on Saturday, and Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton proposed three-way negotiations to resolve the issue.

Most Asian countries, even as they argue that China will inevitably replace the United States as the top regional power, have grown concerned at how quickly that shift is occurring, and what China the superpower may look like.

China’s big trading partners are complaining more loudly that it intervenes too aggressively to keep its currency undervalued. Its recent restrictions on exports of crucial rare earths minerals, first to Japan and then to the United States and Europe, raised the prospect that it may use its dominant positions in some industries as a diplomatic and political weapon.

And its rapid naval expansion, combined with a more strident defense of its claims to disputed territories far off its shores, has persuaded Japan, South Korea, Vietnam and Singapore to reaffirm their enthusiasm for the American security umbrella.

“The most common thing that Asian leaders have said to me in my travels over this last 20 months is, ‘Thank you, we’re so glad that you’re playing an active role in Asia again,’ ” Mrs. Clinton said in Hawaii, opening a seven-country tour of Asia that included a last-minute stop in China.

Few of China’s neighbors voice their concerns about the country publicly, but analysts and diplomats say they express wariness about the pace of China’s military expansion and the severity of its trade policies in private.

“Most of these countries have come to us and said, ‘We’re really worried about China,’ ” said Kenneth G. Lieberthal, a China adviser to President Bill Clinton who is now at the Brookings Institution.

The Obama administration has been quick to capitalize on China’s missteps. Where officials used to speak of China as the Asian economic giant, they now speak of India and China as twin giants. And they make clear which one they believe has a closer affinity to the United States.

“India and the United States have never mattered more to each other,” Mrs. Clinton said. “As the world’s two largest democracies, we are united by common interests and common values.”

As Mr. Obama prepares to visit India in his first stop on his tour of Asian democracies, Mr. Singh, India’s prime minister, will have just returned from his own grand tour — with both of them somewhat conspicuously, if at least partly coincidentally, circling China.

None of this seems likely to lead to a cold war-style standoff. China is fully integrated into the global economy, and all of its neighbors are eager to deepen their ties with it. China has fought no wars since a border skirmish with Vietnam three decades ago, and it often emphasizes that it has no intention of projecting power through the use of force.

At the same time, fears that China has become more assertive as it has grown richer are having real consequences.

India is promoting itself throughout the region as a counterweight to China; Japan is settling a dispute with the United States over a Marine air base; the Vietnamese are negotiating a deal to obtain civilian nuclear technology from the United States; and the Americans, who had largely ignored the rest of Asia as they waged wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, see an opportunity to come back in a big way.

In July, for example, Mrs. Clinton reassured Vietnam and the Philippines by announcing that the United States would be willing to help resolve disputes between China and its neighbors over a string of strategically important islands in the South China Sea.

China’s foreign minister, Yang Jiechi, reacted furiously, accusing the United States of plotting against it, according to people briefed on the meeting. Mr. Yang went on to note that China was a big country, staring pointedly at the foreign minister of tiny Singapore. Undaunted, Mrs. Clinton not only repeated the American pledge on the South China Sea in Hanoi on Saturday, but expanded it to include the dispute with Japan.

China’s rise as an authoritarian power has also revived a sense that democracies should stick together. K. Subrahmanyam, an influential strategic analyst in India, noted that half the world’s people now live in democracies and that of the world’s six biggest powers, only China has not accepted democracy.

“Today the problem is a rising China that is not democratic and is challenging for the No. 1 position in the world,” he said.

Indeed, how to deal with China seems to be an abiding preoccupation of Asia’s leaders. In Japan, Prime Minister Naoto Kan and Mr. Singh discussed China’s booming economy, military expansion and increased territorial assertiveness.

“Prime Minister Kan was keen to understand how India engages China,” India’s foreign secretary, Nirupama Rao, told reporters. “Our prime minister said it requires developing trust, close engagement and a lot of patience.”

South Korea was deeply frustrated earlier this year when China blocked an explicit international condemnation of North Korea for sinking a South Korean warship, the Cheonan. South Korea accused North Korea of the attack, but China, a historic ally of the North, was unwilling to hold it responsible.

India has watched nervously as China has started building ports in Sri Lanka and Pakistan, extending rail lines toward the border of Nepal, and otherwise seeking to expand its footprint in South Asia.

India’s Defense Ministry has sought military contacts with a host of Asian nations while steadily expanding contacts and weapons procurements from the United States. The United States, American officials said, has conducted more exercises in recent years with India than with any other nation.

Mr. Singh’s trip was part of his “Look East” policy, intended to broaden trade with the rest of Asia. He has said it was not related to any frictions with China, but China is concerned. On Thursday, People’s Daily, the Communist Party newspaper, ran an opinion article asking, “Does India’s ‘Look East’ Policy Mean ‘Look to Encircle China’?”

That wary view may well reflect China’s reaction to the whole panoply of developments among its neighbors.

“The Chinese perceived the Hanoi meeting as a gang attack on them,” said Charles Freeman, an expert on Chinese politics and economics at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. “There’s no question that they have miscalculated their own standing in the region.”

Mark Landler reported from Hanoi, Jim Yardley from New Delhi, and Michael Wines from Beijing.

China’s Fast Rise Leads Neighbors to Join Forces - NYTimes.com

Even If House Is Lost, Obama Finds Hope In History : NPR


Even If House Is Lost, Obama Finds Hope In History

Harry S Truman. Library of Congress
Enlarge Library of Congress

Harry S Truman was only in office a year before his Democrats stumbled in midterm elections. He had the last laugh, though, when he, and Congressional Democrats, won big in 1948.

Harry S Truman. Library of Congress
Library of Congress

Harry S Truman was only in office a year before his Democrats stumbled in midterm elections. He had the last laugh, though, when he, and Congressional Democrats, won big in 1948.

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October 30, 2010

Three times in the past century, a sitting president's party has lost its majority in at least one house of Congress. And all three times, the president went on to win re-election — Harry Truman in 1948, Dwight Eisenhower in 1956 and Bill Clinton in 1996.

So if, as expected, the GOP takes the House this Election Day, the news isn't all bad for President Obama's re-election hopes.

Truman took office in 1945, after Franklin Delano Roosevelt's death in office. A year later, his Democrats lost the majority.

But two years after that, Truman decided to run against what he called the "Do Nothing Congress." He gave a speech at the 1948 Democratic Convention that was nowhere near conciliatory — it was an all-out assault on Capitol Hill Republicans.

Dwight D. Eisenhower. Fabian Bachrach/Library Of Congress
Enlarge Fabian Bachrach/Library of Congress

Dwight D. Eisenhower was one of three 20th century presidents to lose control of Congress in the first midterm after he took office but then win re-election.

Dwight D. Eisenhower. Fabian Bachrach/Library Of Congress
Fabian Bachrach/Library of Congress

Dwight D. Eisenhower was one of three 20th century presidents to lose control of Congress in the first midterm after he took office but then win re-election.

"Now my friends, with the help of God and the wholehearted push which you can put behind this campaign," Truman said, "we can save this country from a continuation of the 80th Congress, and from misrule from now on. I must have your help. You must get in and push, and win this election. The country can't afford another Republican Congress."

Truman's strategy worked. He was re-elected, and Democrats swept back into control of Congress.

The story was the same for Eisenhower.

In the 1954 midterms, Democrats edged ahead in both houses of Congress. So in 1956, Eisenhower pointed out the differences between what he was offering and what Democrats were. And the country agreed, keeping him in office for another four years, although Democrats kept thin majorities in the House and Senate.

Clinton Was A Good Rebounder, Too

The last time this happened was in 1994. Clinton was in his second year in the White House, and the midterms gave his party a stinging defeat.

On Nov. 8, 1994, Mark Gearan was at the White House watching the election returns on TV. At the time, he was President Clinton's director of communications.

Bill Clinton
Enlarge Library of Congress

Bill Clinton's Democrats lost the House in 1994, but he went on to a rousing re-election in 1996.

Bill Clinton
Library of Congress

Bill Clinton's Democrats lost the House in 1994, but he went on to a rousing re-election in 1996.

In the days leading up to the election, neither Gearan nor anyone else on the Clinton White House staff predicted that the margin would be as big as it ended up.

"Throughout the day," Gearan tells NPR's Guy Raz, "you could see a building momentum, if you will, for the change election that it turned out to be."

The Republican sweep of 1994 was decisive, and Clinton had to think long and hard about what to do.

That following January, Clinton decided that his first State of the Union address to the new Republican Congress was going to be conciliatory. He would try to work with Republicans rather than against them.

"Certainly the State of the Union was a moment when it's very visible," Gearan says. "The hype was significant, the chamber was so obviously weighted and the tableau of who was sitting behind him — all those elements were certainly historic and momentous."

But two years later, like Truman and Eisenhower, Clinton was able to convince the public that the problem in Washington was Congress — and not him.

After The Wave This Time

Mitch McConnell, the Senate Republican leader, has been studying the presidencies of Truman, Eisenhower and Clinton carefully.

And now he's focused on denying re-election to Obama. His strategy: Pursue an agenda that any future GOP presidential nominee can embrace in 2012.

That's according to Major Garrett, congressional correspondent for the National Journal. Garrett, who recently interviewed McConnell for the magazine, tells Raz that the senator plans to put his agenda into action by "preaching and teaching" to the new House Republicans.

"Say 'Look, we have structural impediments to doing the kinds of things that you want to accomplish. Now, you can stand here and be frustrated and give all sorts of fiery speeches on the floor, make yourself a momentary figure of national attention but ultimately lose. If you don't take a step-by-step building block approach to this ... you're going to risk losing the gains you've made.' "

Garrett says McConnell plans to stand up to Tea Party Republicans and their approach to politics. Democrats in the Senate, at least will be at an even bigger risk two years from now: They'll have 21 Senate seats at risk; the Republicans will have only 10.

"You have a lot more races that are up," Garrett says. "You have a lot more money that you have to raise, a lot more money that you have to spend, and you have a lot more targets."

Related NPR Stories

Even If House Is Lost, Obama Finds Hope In History : NPR

The Magic Of Harry Houdini's Staying Power : NPR

The Magic Of Harry Houdini's Staying Power

Harry Houdini
Enlarge Courtesy of The National Portrait Gallery/Smithsonian Institution

Born Ehrich Weiss, Harry Houdini, a rabbi's son, emigrated from Budapest to Appleton, Wis., in 1878.

Harry Houdini
Courtesy of The National Portrait Gallery/Smithsonian Institution

Born Ehrich Weiss, Harry Houdini, a rabbi's son, emigrated from Budapest to Appleton, Wis., in 1878.

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October 30, 2010

Harry Houdini was known for escaping from handcuffs, straitjackets and water tanks, but his greatest trick was escaping from the dustbin of history. After all, how many popular performers can you name from 1902? Yet more than 80 years after his death, Houdini is still referred to as the greatest magician who ever lived.

A new exhibit at the Jewish Museum in New York, called Houdini: Arts and Magic, looks at the visual legacy of Harry Houdini and how his fame managed to survive.

The answer to that question, at least in part, lies in the nature of Houdini's legend, which was so simple that kids are still passing it around the playground. There once was a man who could escape from anything …

The Great Escaper

"He is the perfect teen idol," says Teller, one half of the comic-magic duo Penn and Teller. Teller says each generation, from Houdini's to today's, has discovered that there's something elemental about the great magician.

"[He] is this physical and mental superguy; this ultracool James Bond guy that you can strip stark naked and throw into a jail cell and he can get out," he says. "If you are a teenager, you want self-liberation above all, and there's Houdini as the perfect shining example of the all-American self-liberator."

But going from a man to a legend wasn't easy at the end of the 19th century. Houdini didn't have TV or radio to spread his name, and the wax cylinder had its limits. Instead, Houdini had to build his fame town by town, escape by escape.

Brooke Kamin Rapaport, curator of the Jewish Museum's exhibit, points to an archival silent film from 1907 of a bridge jump Houdini did while handcuffed. In the film, Houdini gets stripped down, then chained up by the police. Crowds stand by as he dives over the bridge and into a river. Then, they all wait for him to resurface.

Straitjacket
Enlarge Robert LaPrelle/Collection of Arthur Moses

Houdini first thought of using straitjackets, like this one, in his acts after visiting a mental hospital in Canada.

Straitjacket
Robert LaPrelle/Collection of Arthur Moses

Houdini first thought of using straitjackets, like this one, in his acts after visiting a mental hospital in Canada.

"He comes up with the handcuffs brandished in the air," Rapaport says. "There's a great storyline and it's absolutely cinematic."

A Media-Savvy Celebrity

The museum's collection is full of Houdini art and artifacts that demonstrate his knack for creating iconic visuals and manipulating the media of his time.

Houdini's diaries are full of newspaper clippings of his stunts — both media and magical.

The clips show him visiting big cities and hanging himself upside down in a straitjacket from buildings — but not just any buildings. He chose buildings that housed major newspapers, hanging off The Houston Chronicle or The Boston Globe so photographers could just pop their heads out the windows to shoot him.

"He would not only make front-page headlines," Rapaport says, "he would also sell out his evening performances."

He used other stunts like escaping from milk cans, mailbags or steamer trunks as an opportunity for cross promotion.

"He would have the beer manufacturer manufacture a beer barrel big enough to contain Houdini and submerge him in there and nail him in the beer barrel and he'd escape from that," magician Teller explains. "But when he escaped from your boss' beer barrel, you were escaping from your everyday job."

Years before the science of public relations was perfected, Houdini was doing it all: branding, viral marketing, media strategy, product placement and even new media — although in the early 1900s, that meant posters.

Water Torture Cell And The Green Monster
Enlarge Courtesy of Fantasma Magic Shop

Houdini used posters that carried themes of freedom from oppression to promote his acts throughout the world.

Water Torture Cell And The Green Monster
Courtesy of Fantasma Magic Shop

Houdini used posters that carried themes of freedom from oppression to promote his acts throughout the world.

The Houdini exhibit features posters from every stage of his career, each one more and more dramatic: Houdini surrounded by the forces of evil; Houdini being handcuffed by a menacing policeman; Houdini being choked by a robot; Houdini being held underwater by a giant, green monster.

Rapaport says people at the time would have seen the subtext of a Jewish immigrant from Budapest, the son of a rabbi, struggling to get free. "These feats were stunts [but] they were also imbued with [the] great symbolism of escape from political and social and religious oppression," Rapaport says. "The narrative is so clear it could not have been missed in his day."

The Legend Remembered

Houdini was so aware of his effect on the viewer that he very likely left nothing to chance — not even his memorial.

Houdini died of peritonitis on Halloween in 1926 after being punched in the stomach — though movies would later have him drown in the water torture device. Before he died, he left his wife with some last wishes — instructions for a final publicity stunt to be carried out from beyond the grave.

He asked her to hold a seance on the anniversary of his death, and, like so much of Houdini's life, that tradition has been remembered.

More than 80 years later, his fans still gather every Halloween to carry out his wishes, and carry on his fame.

Related NPR Stories

The Magic Of Harry Houdini's Staying Power : NPR

Racism’s Long Shadow « The SuperSpade

“Racism still alive/They just be concealin’ it” -Kanye West, Never Let Me Down

Long Shadow

Ten years into to the 21st century, the United States is still arguing over the same central problem it faced 10 years into the 20th, 19th and 18th centuries: racism. From the “peculiar institution” to Jim Crow to redlining to anti-immigrant profiling, overt and covert racism has been a consistent foundation for discrimination, displacement and disenfranchisement.

Racism’s tragic legacy is tearing apart families and communities everywhere across the country. Hate crimes are up in Baltimore. Why? Because anti-immigrant vitriol is being dispersed by politicians and media personalities. Because people are translating their economic insecurity into fear of people who don’t look or speak like them. This thinking turns neighbors against neighbors and needlessly forces communities into hiding because they fear for their safety. Worse still, according to the article, people are afraid to come forward and cooperate with law enforcement because of the hate-filled environment. Simply put: they don’t trust the people who are paid to protect them, which makes these already-vulnerable communities even more susceptible to criminals who know their victims are less likely to contact the authorities because they’re afraid of being profiled.

Many Black communities have a long history of being weary of police forces that disproportinately use excessive force and harass them, so they too are often unwilling to cooperate, leery of not being taken seriously or being victimized again. It’s the vile cycle of victimization.

Out of the many implications of the far-reaching impacts of racism, three stand out for me in this current socio-political moment.

1. Demonization of difference

Though this country’s founding was fueled by an imperialist premise, it was based on certain principles that protected the freedom to be different. Diverse religions, diverse sources of wealth, diverse methods of communication, etc. The freedom to be different, however, has been systemically walked back in several respects, as protectors of tradition have cloaked their radical views with nice-sounding thoughts like returning to the “good old days.” What they really mean is the “good old days when non-white people and women were largely subservient and the transfer of wealth and power existed within a homogeneous, incestuous, repetitious vortex.” What they want is a return to the days when it was cool to say “freedom of religion,” but people only used that freedom to choose what flavor of Christian they wanted to be. Kind of like Henry Ford saying that people could have any color Model T they wanted, so long as it was black.

This is the clear rationale behind the clamoring from conservative radicals to repeal the 14th amendment’s clause that grants citizenship to all children born in the United States. That clause was included because, previously, the children of slaves (read: Black people) were not citizens of the United States and could not enjoy the privileges and immunities of citizenship, thanks to the Dred Scott decision. The precedent that the 14th amendment rejected and dismantled was abhorrently racist, and it’s sad that today’s racists want to set us back 150+ years because they are scared of non-white babies.

2. Anti-government sentiment

There is tremendous overlap between the people who are clamoring about how they want to altogether eliminate government and people who are publicly racist. The most dishonest members of this cabal advance the level of government influence on private life in order to achieve this objective. They push for policies that make people more prone to question the motives of their government, such as racial profiling laws, laws that diminish women’s autonomy over their own bodies, cuts to programs that benefit the working class (e.g. unemployment benefits, food stamps), etc. This increases the pool of people potentially open to an anti-government message, which is the point of the strategy: the more people mad at the government, the better.

One of the primary functions of our government is to be the referee that protects factions of the population from injuring each other (see Federalist Paper No. 10 by James Madison). Just because a majority or plurality of individuals want something doesn’t mean that it’s the right thing to do. A prime example is the Department of Justice suing and winning a preliminary injunction against Arizona’s SB1070 immigration law. Though many polls find most Americans support the Arizona law, it is the federal government’s responsibility to ensure that the community impacted by that law (in this case, immigrants in Arizona) is treated fairly. Racial profiling, which was what the law sought to institutionalize, clearly is unfair, illegal and morally wrong. It had to be stopped. It’s the same reason that Jim Crow laws were eradicated in the 20th century.

3. Powerful Victim Paradox

An interesting paradox present in racism’s long shadow is that the fear inherent in racist thinking leads those with those views to see themselves as helpless victims, which then motivates them to grind their heels further into the necks of those they seek to oppress. Let’s call this the Powerful Victim Paradox. This is what motivates people afraid of people of color moving into their previously-homogeneous neighborhoods to protect their ‘hood by making sure that the people they are afraid of, even if they move in, are jeered and treated disrespectfully to the point where they’re intimidated into relocating. (Think this doesn’t still happen today? Ask this woman & son in Clearfield, PA who were greeted at home last Saturday by two burning crosses on their lawn.) They think that if new people move in, they’ll steal the power and influence, so they must press their levers of influence even harder. Same is true for the argument that we should continue to destroy the lives of immigrants because they’ll take jobs (for an alternative vision, try this). It’s a great American tragicomedy.

Unsustainable division

Race has divided people nationally and locally. Nationally, one needs to look no further than the Park51 Community Center flap to see hatred and prejudice, in this case racial, ethnic and religious, on full display. The idea that a community center, run by Muslims can’t be constructed in any NYC neighborhood, near Ground Zero or anyplace else, is preposterous. It’s the equivalent to saying that you can’t build YMCAs in neighborhoods where Jewish people live. The status quo is unsustainable.

How to move forward

We can put an end to racism’s reign of terror, entrenched though it may be. We can and we must because our communities depend on it. Here’s how we can begin:

  1. Call racism what it is when you see it

    Racism persists in part because of silent acceptance. It is amazing, however, how things can be changed when proper attention is paid to them. It is not politically incorrect to call something or someone racists if it is clear that they are behaving in such a manner. Don’t be afraid to do so.

  2. Remember that community literally means “with unity”

    Unity is not the destruction of difference. Instead, it is the embrace of diversity. It’s about alignment, not assimilation. As organizers, activists, policy makers, etc., we may have different paths. That is fine so long as we are clear about our destination. Movements predicated upon assimilation are no match for movements that respect and encourage creative thinking toward a common purpose.

    For us, that common purpose is an America and a world where we recognize the dignity and decency of every person. Where we see strength in people speaking for themselves and taking care of one another. Where communities create institutions and craft policy that treat everyone as equally important and powerful. There are no special interests, only human interests.

In order for this to be realized, the long shadow of racism must subside. Turn up the lights. Let’s recommit to this today.

One Love. One II.

Originally posted on the Center for Community Change blog.

i
Racism’s Long Shadow « The SuperSpade

ARTPULSE MAGAZINE » Editorials » Mobile Art: New Possibilities for Experimentation


« Editorials

Mobile Art: New Possibilities for Experimentation

Christa Sommerer & Laurent Mignonneau, Mobile Feelings, 2002-03, in collaboration with France Telecom Studio Créatif, Paris. Copyright of the artists.

So-called mobile art has forcefully entered into the field of media art. Over the past decade its potential as a creative tool has manifested itself in hundreds of projects, exhibitions, fairs and workshops. Is mobile art a new means of exploring and reflecting on our relationship to technology? Does mobile art allow for the experimentation and interaction that many digital art projects demand?

By Lorea Iglesias

From the home to the artistic exhibition space is the path that has been followed by some technological communications devices. It happened with radio, television, video and now with the mobile telephone.

Mobile telephone technology has become increasingly evident in society owing to its portability, its ability to unite different technologies, its extensive foothold in society and its power as a medium of alternative registry. All of these characteristics have assisted in the cell phone becoming a tool, medium and perfect support for experimentation by many media artists, although its utilization by creators manifests itself in many different forms from its use as an interactive tool, passing through a critical analysis of the social changes it has provoked in society, to pure fascination with the technological object or the new functions that mobile telephony is developing and incorporating.

HISTORIC ANTECEDENTS

In actuality the mobile phone is much more than a telephone; it is a multifunctional platform that we not only utilize to communicate with other people, but that also accompanies us in such everyday functions as waking up, photographing a friend, watching a video or noting an appointment on an agenda. Now that we are also able to access the Internet these tasks have multiplied and, thanks to Augmented Reality, we even have the possibility of obtaining information beyond what we are able see in our surroundings. However, since its origins are inevitably tied to telephony, we direct ourselves to previous artistic uses of the telephone when looking for the creative antecedents of mobile art. In looking back almost a century in the history of art, we see that the telephone was used artistically for the first time in 1922, the year in which László Moholy-Nagy dictated the instructions (coordinates) of a drawing that he had designed on graph paper over the telephone with the absolute intention of separating the manual task from the intellectual task, thus converting the work into pure information. A few years later, Salvador Dalí was seduced by this communications device and created the typically surrealist sculpture Teléfono Langosta (Lobster Telephone). However, various decades would pass before artists would begin utilizing the telephone in their creations as a vehicle for reflecting on the influence that mass media was exercising on society, reflections presented in a context influenced by the theories of Mcluhan1, one of the founders of media studies and still considered a visionary who anticipated the effects that electronic means of communication would have on society. A notable example is Minuphone, a happening that the Argentine artist Marta Minujin carried out in 1967 and during which people interacted with an electronic cabin in order to feel a “greater awareness of themselves in relation to the always impersonal technology” as the artist herself noted. In 1969 a very significant event took place; the Museum of Contemporary Art Chicago, revisiting the idea of Moholy-Nagy, organized the exhibition “Art By Telephone” in which contemporary conceptual artists, such as Oldenburg, Baldessari or Bruce Nauman among others, called the museum in order to give the instructions necessary to create their works, so that the telephone became the perfect tool to demonstrate that an intellectual approach to the creation of a work of art is in no way inferior to an emotional one.

Nicaraguan migrants webcast from cell phones in San Jose, Costa Rica (2006).  Since 2003, the megafone.net project created by Antoni Abad, has been inviting groups of people on the fringe of society to express their experiences and opinions through face-to-face meetings and mobile phones. Courtesy of the artist.

Nicaraguan migrants webcast from cell phones in San Jose, Costa Rica (2006). Since 2003, the megafone.net project created by Antoni Abad, has been inviting groups of people on the fringe of society to express their experiences and opinions through face-to-face meetings and mobile phones. Courtesy of the artist.

These are just a few examples of works that utilized the telephone throughout the history of art, but its impact cannot be compared to the impact television or video had on art since there were no common strategies or forms and thus it was never recognized as a specific practice, something very different from what occurs today with the use of the mobile phone. The numerous projects that have been carried out over the past decade are a clear indication of the enormous potential of the mobile phone as a tool of creativity and experimentation in media art. Its tremendous technological advancement has caused it to become a key ingredient in interactive projects in which users can encounter new experiences utilizing a tool so familiar and common to all of us. In fact, the acceptance being given to the mobile phone by artists and society as a whole is key to understanding how mobile art is taking shape as a discipline within digital creation.

MOBILE ART WITHIN DIGITAL CREATION

Over the past decade we witnessed how digital creators were taking advantage of the artistic potential of very different forms of mobile communication, but many of the first projects we encountered focused on an analysis of and reflection on how this type of communication affected our personal relationships, our privacy, or method of comportment and in general the social changes it entailed. Antoni Muntadas2 with his piece On Traslation: Il Telefonino (2001) was one of the first to cause us to reflect on the new dimension that was being established between public and private space from the generalized use of the mobile phone through a series of photographs that explored the unconscious mechanisms generated by an apparently private communications process that becomes a public act as a result of where it takes place. In this same vein, but using and adapting the mobile phone differently, Christa Sommerer and Laurent Mignonneau presented the piece Mobile Feelings at the 2003 Festival Ars Electrónica. Starting with a reflection on how technology has transformed our social and individual lives and how we accept reduced privacy in exchange for mobility, they transformed mobile telephone circuits to create a device that would enable more sensorial communication including smell, sweat, respiration or heartbeats.

Rafael Lozano-Hemmer, Amodal Suspension, Interactive installation Yamaguchi Center for the Art and Media, Japan, 2003. Courtesy of the artist.

Rafael Lozano-Hemmer, Amodal Suspension, Interactive installation Yamaguchi Center for the Art and Media, Japan, 2003. Courtesy of the artist.

From a much more spectacular perspective, many media artists see in this wireless communication device the perfect tool for interaction within the public realm. There are a great many interactive projects in which users transform public space through the use of technology, and the mobile phone has become a valuable interface for these types of actions since it offers the user a lot of autonomy and furthermore he is totally accustomed to using it. A clear and early example of this is Rafael Lozano-Hemmer’s Amodal Suspension (2003) in which, through the use of the mobile phone and the Internet, he is surprisingly able to combine architecture, public space, technology and participation. The public was to send text messages with their mobile phones and these were codified into lights, which were first projected in the sky and then converted back into their original format, so that they could be projected on the façade of a building thereby considerably altering the urban landscape.

NEW SOCIAL AND ARTISTIC RELATIONSHIPS

Today technology fosters new social relationships and opens new paths and artistic possibilities, allowing some creations to be converted into platforms that assist in our development and make it possible for us to freely express ourselves outside of conventional circuits, as is the case with megafone.net (see http://www.megafone.net/) (2004-2010). For more than six years, the artist Antoni Abad has been working with collectives at risk for social exclusion and misrepresented by the mass media, providing them with mobile phones so that they can publish their own experiences, through geolocalized photos, text and sounds that are automatically published on the Web, thus turning the mobile phone into a megaphone that gives voice to these digital communities and allows them to represent themselves. Mexico City, Barcelona, Sao Paulo and Geneva are just a few of the cities in which different versions of this project have been developed as it continues to grow, bringing art within reach of society.

This has been a brief summary of the very diverse ways in which creators are currently using the mobile phone. In order to get a more complete idea, one should discuss geolocalized rundowns by cities, musical creations and concerts, artistic applications for the iPhone or Android, or the vast audiovisual creations that mobile phones favor. The latter are making an appearance in renowned international competitions as was the case with Mankind Is No Island 3, a delicious short filmed exclusively with a mobile phone and which surprisingly won the prestigious “TropfestNY 08.”

Taking into account the unstoppable technological advances existing in the field of mobile communication and the new functionalities being added to computer terminals, one can easily imagine that artistic practices associated with this technology will continue to multiply. The mobile phone continually provides digital artists with more possibilities for experimentation and will place at our disposal levels of interaction that we can presently barely imagine.

The great challenge will be to analyze and organize the huge quantity of information that is being generated in these practices. In doing this, we will be able to assess the role that mobile communication technology is playing within the realm of electronic and digital art as well as the history of art in general.

ARTPULSE MAGAZINE » Editorials » Mobile Art: New Possibilities for Experimentation